I Believe My Thesis On Democratic Nation Resolution Is One Of The Most Important Theories In The World
I Believe My Thesis On Democratic Nation Resolution Is One Of The Most Important Theories In The World
The events taking place in Egypt, Libya and Sulaimaniah are striking. Indeed in Turkey and in the region there also is such a potential. If we wish we can initiate such processes as well. We have a greater potential of people and capacity of action then in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Sulaimaniah. We have the power and potential to do this. We shall observe the developments until Newroz, and evaluate the government's stance. We do take into account the possibility that such tension shall influence the solution process negatively. However, there should not be any big clashes where the state is put into a difficult position. This is because we still believe that there is a hope for a resolution.
Hüseyin Xiziri should be owned up to and his memory should be kept alive. Hüseyin Xiziri's execution in secrecy is an inhuman attack against the existence, honour and identity of the Kurdish people.
I send my greetings to those who were involved in the Conference of the Young Women's Movement in Diyarbakır. I wish them well in their work. The youth shall too determine its own future. Unfortunately there is no opportunity given to the youth to express themselves freely. Some of them are forced to take up arms because there are no other alternatives left to them. Some others just like in the case of Mustafa Malçok lately protest this no-solution situation by sacrificing themselves. I find the action taken by both Mustafa Malçok, who burnt himself in Diyarbakir, and Müslüm Doğan, who burnt himself last year in Adıyaman, very meaningful. They are invaluable actions. However these actions should be understood and owned up to properly. The memory of these young people who are around 16 or 17 must be owned up to. I find their action of great importance and very meaningful; however I am very saddened by such actions. The youth should not take up such action where they burn themselves. I tell them that they should under no condition to burn their own bodies neither for me or for any important reason. I propose again that they abandon such action. I do not find it appropriate that on such anniversaries concerning me such actions be taken. Nevertheless they should be owned up to and are important. There is much talk of the spirit of Diyarbakır. This is that spirit. This is Diyarbakir's spirit. How else can we explain why these youth sacrifice themselves? I call upon the youth that are organizing the conference not to forget the memory of these youngsters and to keep their memories alive. I propose to them that they should take up the struggle of those youngsters and to continue the organization and struggle by enlarging it. Similarly they should keep the memory of Hüseyin Xiziri alive as well.
I think Mustafa Malçok was from Eğil. He apparently left a note behind. As I said earlier I bow with respect before the memories of such friends. They are our sacred values. These youngsters take up such an action because they cannot find any other way out. However, I do not approve of this method, because there is always other means, ways and variety of struggle.
The state implemented a merciless policy of denial and annihilation for the past 80 to 90 years against the Kurds. And since the 1950s, that is for the past 60 years, they have totally been immersed in the NATO's Gladio. But they have now arrived at a point where they accept the existence of the Kurds. As a result of the struggle waged we can say that there is a change in the perception of the state. The annihilation and denial of the Kurds have been stopped. My efforts in here have contributed to this. The existence of the Kurds is now been accepted. The process of a resolution should come into play. But of course it is not so easy to abandon the 80-90 year old perception. But the stage we are at shows that the state has now arrived at a point where it shall abandon its denial policy. We too want to get rid of this annihilation and denial policy. This change of state's understanding was not at all that easily achieved. In order to understand how deep rooted this perception one should evaluate the history properly. The fact that the Sheikh Said rebellion began as a result of the 15 February 1925 provocation and I being brought to Turkey, Imrali as the result of a 15 February 1999 plot and that these dates are the same cannot be a coincidence. Previously I had declared 15 February 1925 to be the beginning of the Kurdish genocide. Similarly it is also not a coincidence that Sheikh Said was executed on 29 June and this very the same date was the date the death penalty was given to me too. In the absence of such knowledge it is not possible to understand the Kurdish question. The approach of the AKP is a total disaster. Even in the issue of amnesty for students they infringed the rights of tens of thousands of students because of me. Don't they know that I shall no longer go and enrol in the final year of my studies at the Faculty of Political Sciences. I am not in such a position any longer. This is how superficial and primitive they can approach. The AKP has definitely no desire to resolve the Kurdish question but to establish its own hegemony. In order to establish its own hegemony and strengthen its own power it is eliminating the Kurds. Kurds should understand this well. Such hegemonic approach of the AKP is very dangerous. I oppose such a hegemony and I shall struggle against it. It looks like the state has the will power to resolve the Kurdish question and overcome its denial policy but the AKP is the biggest obstacle before this. What the Kurds need to do is to raise their struggle against the AKP's elimination and denial policies.
There could be commissions of the DTK but they should act as one whole. DTK should work in wholeness. There maybe commissions and these may permanently work. But DTK must act as a whole. It is not right to divide DTK into pieces and it should not break away from being a whole. It seems Democratic Autonomy can not be explained properly. I had talked about the solution of democratic nation. I had mentioned 8 dimensions to it. Democratic autonomy is only the political dimension of these. In my final defences I have made some concrete proposals for the solution to the Kurdish question. It would be beneficial if the Road Map is shared with the general public. There is a project laid down in the Road Map, this is a solution project. I have some important evaluations there as well. The state's approach to this Road Map is also positive. They too are aware of what is happening, as well as the dangers involved. The information present in the Road Map is more the essence and practical aspects of the matter. I went into a detailed analysis of all these in my final defences. In my final defences I evaluated the solution of democratic nation comprehensively and in all its dimensions. The solution of Democratic nation must be handled in its entirety; any other approach would be insufficient. This is why I think that the solution of democratic autonomy is understood wrongly and inadequately. Democratic autonomy is only one dimension out of the eight dimensions of democratic nation resolution and is the political aspect of it. There are also the economic, social, cultural, juridical, security, self-defence and diplomatic dimensions to it. Each of these dimensions have an importance but one should handle them in their integrity in relation to democratic nation resolution. It is not right to only put forth the democratic autonomy aspect of it. Democratic autonomy is only the political dimension of all these different aspects. As I pointed out I have in detail talked about all this in my final defences, hence they could prevent or delay the delivery of my defences to the European Court of Human Rights hence it should be tracked down.
I believe my thesis on democratic nation resolution is one of the most important theories in the world. It may also be a resolution model for the Middle East. The developments in the Middle East, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Sulaimaniah prove that I am right in that. The nation-state that they have created in the Middle East has now collapsed. Capitalist modernity is behind all these problems. I had previously mentioned that nation-state model created in the Middle East was a British plan. They spread it all around the world. Later the US continued with this but presently the regime they created is now collapsing. The demands of the people are of course right. But if this is how we analyse it then it won't be sufficient. Both Britain and the USA can now see that the system they established are now collapsing and that they need to be overcome. Hence they too are intervening in their own way. They too are now in it. What they wish to present as a solution to all is the model of what they call liberal Islam something similar to the AKP. However this as yet has not resolved any problems within Turkey and even the Kurdish issue continues with all its might. The AKP is trying to avoid finding a solution. The solution to all this is what we propose and that is the democratic nation resolution. In my previous defence titled “Civilization in the Middle East and the Resolution of Democratic Civilization” I talked about the democratization of the Middle Eastern culture and to make sure democratic culture is dominant. This defence of mine pointed at exactly these questions and made proposals in relation to them. In “Freedom Sociology” I also have some important evaluations in relation to this issue.
Hosni Mübarak played a role in my exodus out of Syria. He was the mediator between Syria and Turkey. But at the end the system he served could not protect him and they got him out of his own country. Gaddafi told me to “come to Libya, we can create opportunities here” but now he can not even save himself. Gadaffi's Green Book did not bring about a solution but it also did not accomplish a favourable result. The regime they established brought them to a point of self-destruction and hence collapsed. But despite the restricted conditions I held under we are stronger and getting ever more strong.
I convey my special greetings and affection to all the women in relation to 8 of March. They have the accumulation and capacity to lead the struggle. They should lead it. It is important that they are visible in the actions taken. I wish them success.
I shall probably have the opportunity to say a few things about the elections later. But they can try and form alliances in order to overcome the election threshold. For example if it is suitable there could be alliances with a variety of circles. This could include the other left wing parties, democratic forces, minorities, unions, environmentalist groups and the Greens; they could all form a democratic block together. Hence all those suppressed, opposition forces that complain about the system and the Kurds should take their place in this block. If there the preparations were done for the formation of such a block then the threshold may be overcome but it maybe late for that now. It looks as if we would go into the elections with independent candidates. But of course one does not need to be so hasty about it. One should think of all the options and up until the end these options should be considered. They can act in accordance with the developments. If there is any chance to overcome the threshold then one can re-evaluate the decision to go to elections with independent candidates.
BDP may think it is logical to go to elections with independent candidates. They may not want to take any risks. But as I pointed out the option of such an alliance can be considered. Indeed if they had very early on worked for a democratic block then they may have overcome the threshold. I had previously called it the democratic nation block. They can make various efforts to attain this. They should go and meet with the democratic circles, left wing circles, various unions, workers, the oppressed, ÖDP and EMEP. They guess that BDP will be at 7-8 %. I think not though, I think it is much higher. But to achieve that they need to have a broader framework. The number of MPs should be at least around 30 to 35. If they work well they could even attain 40 seats. They should not be content with the mentality of “albeit it in less numbers it is ours”. The candidates in the west should be well known and be democrats. They should be chosen as such that they get as much as Turkish votes as they get Kurdish votes. There could be and there should be one MP elected from two regions of İzmir, from Manisa, Denizli, Aydin, Adana, Mersin and even Antalya. Similarly it would be quite easy to have someone elected from three regions of Istanbul. This is not impossible if the right candidates are found to represent both the Kurds and Turks? They should meet up with the left wing democratic circles and they should take their place within this Democratic Nation Block.
The state has also come to a certain level. The state shall also accept this democratic nation block. There is a need to utilize this period well. One should not let go off such a historical time. We are trying to develop the democratic constitutional solution by convincing the state of the democratic block. I evaluated this previously that there are three blocks within Turkey. They go back in history. First block: the nationalist block of the 1920s represented today by CHP and MHP. They used to represent the first group in the assembly back then. The second block is the conservative-Islamist block. Back then the leaders of that block was people like Mehmet Akif Ersoy. Their first equivalent in the assembly was the second group. They continued their existence under the Progressives. This block is now represented by the AKP and other religious circles. We, on the other hand, are trying to establish the third block – this is also the block where Mustafa Suphi and his friends take their place - which is the democratic block. This is because there were representatives of the first two blocks within the assembly but they did not allow the formation of the democratic nation block that we are trying to establish today back then. In the personage of Mustafa Suphi they eliminated all the communists and leftists in the Black. Just as well Çerkez Ethem and the Green Army was also eliminated in a similar manner. The Kurds were on the other hand eliminated through the incidents of Koçgiri, Sheikh Said and Seyit Rıza. Hence they prevented the formation of the democratic block and did not allow it to be formed until today. Up until the present nationalist and Islamic-religious blocks dominated the state. We on the other hand are trying to establish the third block that is the democratic nation block that shall bring about a solution. I am trying to establish this block and make the state accept it. We shall expose the assassination of Mustafa Suphi through this block. We shall similarly expose what really happened during the incidents of Koçgiri, Sheikh Sait and Seyit Rıza. Everyone should take their place in this democratic nation block. If a solution process develops we may attain around 150 to 200 seats in future elections with this block.
I know about the decision taken on no-action period. There is the 8 March and on 21 March Newroz is approaching. We shall observe the stance of the government until then. Those who are pro democratic solution should come together and compose their proposals for a resolution. In the mean time all the NGOs in Diyarbakır and in the region should come together in the DTK meeting. DTK should gather all these NGOs together in the shortest posibble time. Hak-Par, Şerafettin Elçi and others join in if they want a solution to be developed. Even those who are at the extreme opposite end to us may also come and join in if you think they are sincere. They can also come and announce their demands in relation to a resolution. DTK should convey their demands both to the government and KCK in relation to a resolution. Whoever does not accept the proposal for a resolution then they should take a political stance against the one that does not. They should see what the approach of both the PKK and the government shall be towards their demands. If the PKK approaches such demands negatively then they should condemn the PKK. But of course it is the stance of the government that shall be of importance. If the government and AKP approaches there demands negatively then they have to stop continuously pressuring the PKK. This way it shall be well understood who wants a solution and who wants war. It is not sufficient to just pressure PKK all the time. Hence they should not through their actions help AKP who has not taken a single step for the resolution of the Kurdish question and who is indeed an obstacle before a solution. I find it strange they say “silence the weapons”. It is not meaningful to say this all the time when there is no effort made to this end. What weapon? Are we using weapons? We are not using weapons against anyone; we are forced to use weapons.
We are trying to develop the democratic constitution solution. A Democratic Constitution Conference must be developed. They should work on this until the elections. I have not lost my hopes for a resolution. I still have my hopes. A resolution is being developed and is becoming more profound. There could be some changes in the state's actions by 21 March Newroz and there could be some practical developments made. People like Ensarioğlu should take their place in DTK and make efforts for a solution, because they have the most to gain from a solution. If there is no solution and it is violence that develops they are the first and hardest to be harmed. This should not be understood wrongly, this is not a threat. But the solution to such issues in the whole world is similar and quite the same throughout history. If this is so then everyone should determine their own position accordingly. I would like to also say that I thin the present position of CHP is much more positive than the AKP. People's right demands and pressure has been influential in CHP's adaptation of this new position. AKP should be similarly pressured into change in order to resolve the issue. Presently I think CHP is more progressive then the AKP. They sometimes have positive statements.
AKP does not aim the resolution of the Kurdish question. They are trying to generate advocates for themselves. Their aim is to annihilate the Kurds. The AKP is lately in dialogue with Şıvan Perwer and Kemal Burkay. They are trying to bring them to Turkey. If Kemal Burkay is so sincere instead of criticizing us on TV channels he should come and take his place in the democratic politics and contribute to the struggle. We are not an obstacle before anyone. The AKP is trying to get them to Turkey and get some benefit out of them. They are trying to show the military that they are “eliminating the free Kurd and binding the rest with themselves”. But then does Kemal Burkay and Şıvan have any supporters? But what about those in Turkey are they not Kurdish? Why don't they talk to them, why don't they start a dialogue with them? For example, why don't you meet with Ahmet Türk? He represents millions of Kurds. There are people who represent millions of Kurds. Why don't you meet them? There are many NGOs, why don't you meet them? There are millions of Kurds here with just demands and they have their own representatives. Why don't you see them and instead go insistently after a couple of names in Europe? It must be that you are not sincere when it comes to this issue. It is clear that you have other interests. I tell Şıvan Perwer to come and to take his place within the democratic solution process but he should not get himself used. But if they shall act in line with AKP then they shall have no worth left in the eyes of the people. I do also say that they should come and take their place in the democratic solution process. Anyone who is in favour of a solution and wants a solution can come and take their place in this process.
I, at least for now, do not propose the method of non-stop uprising just like the one in Egypt and Tunisia. I do not find it appropriate to mobilize our potential now. We do not have the intention to mobilize our own potential just as yet. But everyone should know that it is much more advanced then the ones in Egypt and Tunisia. This is due to being organized for many years and the experience of our struggle. My dialogue with the state continues, the process of dialogue continues. I am still hopeful of these meetings. I am still hopeful, the dialogue continues. There should be no problems until 21 March. I think there could be some developments. This situation may continue from 21 March to June. I am working here quite hard to develop the democratic constitutional solution in order to resolve the Kurdish question.
There should be a freedom square in Diyarbakır. Its name could be Azadi (Freedom) Square. I am making a practical proposal. I propose that democratic solution and peace tents are set up in such a square in Diyarbakır. These tents can stay there until the elections. Everyone should go to these tents all the time. Such tents may also be set up in Van, Batman and other suitable places. They can discuss and develop their demands and solution proposals in these tents. Since this is a democratic action I do not think that the government or its police forces shall be against it. They would show understanding during the period of elections. We indeed have 8 March and 21 March before us. These tents could also be the centre for there activities. For example all the candidates from all parties can come to these tents and explain their programmes. The people on the other hand can come to convey their demands and proposals for a solution. Whoever shall implement their demands and develop a solution shall get the votes. They can name these tents the democratic solution and peace tent. There maybe lots of people at times in these tents and at other times not so many at all. What is important is that you give the ground for something like this to happen, this should definitely be taken up. Besides the KCK court case continues. The tents maybe used to this end during and before the tents. Their lawyers can visit these tents before and after the hearings. Just as I said our potential whether it be in the case of taking an action or people's participation is quite high. We have much more opportunities to initiate processes similar to that of Tunisia and Egypt. We have strength and potential to this end but it would be more appropriate to take part in elections in a more democratic way and through the establishment of such tents.
I have a special call for the guerrillas. They should as much as possible refrain from entering into any clashes. When it comes to security they should take care of their self-defence and protect themselves as best as they can. I expect the guerrilla to support the democratic solution. Guerrillas should be able to have the initiative at all times but should not attack unless they are attacked or cornered. They should have initiative at all times and should increase this evermore. They should not let themselves go as was seen in the case of the 9 martyrs in Hakkari. They should not allow for such painful results. They should also be alert against ambushes and conspiracies.
I would like to say this to the public of Turkey. Let us not allow the bloodshed of the young people to go on. They should all give strength to the hope of a democratic solution. They should all take their place in the process of democratic solution. They should pressure AKP towards a solution.
I would like to send my greetings to our people in Ağrı, Doğubeyazıt, Iğdır, Kars, Batman, Diyarbakır and Van. I send my special greetings to the people of Serhat. They are a people who have suffered a lot. They should raise the struggle with a spirit of mobilization.
In addition, I send my greetings to the people in Maxmur. The people of Maxmur resisted despite all the hardship they went through and they are still resisting.
I especially greet their struggle. There were letters sent to me from prison. I send my greetings to all our friends in prison.